Working with Export and Free Zones
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Working with Export and Free Zones
By Sam Vaknin
Author of "Malignant Self Love - Narcissism Revisited"
Ukrainian President, Leonid Kuchma, told, in Fenruary 2003, an
assembly of senior customs service officials that "it is necessary
to put an end to (Ukraine's 11 free economic and 9 priority) zones
(and) liquidate them completely. (They) have become semi-criminal
zones, and this refers not only to the Donetsk zone. You pull the
meat that Europe doesn't want to eat into these zones and sell it
there without [paying] taxes".
According to UNIAN, the Ukrainian news agency, Kuchma was fuming at
the mighty and unaccountable oligarchs situated in the country's
eastern coal-mining center and their collaborators in the Ukrainian
Security Service (SBU) and other law enforcement agencies. The zones
dismally failed to attract foreign direct investment, or foster
economic growth, he bitterly observed.
The International Monetary Fund (IMF) concurs as does the European
Union. The future status of special economic zones is hotly
contested in the accession negotiations with the Czech Republic,
Poland, Hungary and Malta. Nor is the criminalization of such zones
a Ukrainian deviation. Russia's Deputy Interior Minister, Vladimir
Vasiliev, admitted last year that Russia's mafia now focuses its
unwelcome attentions on its ubiquitous free economic zones.
Yet, the proliferation of these fiscal monstrosities - tax free, low
customs, export processing, flexible labor delimited regions - is
likely to continue. Even bastions of free trade make profligate use
of them as do all the countries of the rich world.
According to a November 2002 report titled "Employment and social
policy in respect of export processing zones" and published by the
United Nations' International Labor Organization (ILO), the number
of countries with export processing zones surged from 25 in 1975 to
116 last year. The number of such havens jumped to 3000 from a mere
79.
A January 2002 amendment to Estonia's value added tax law allows its
fishermen to export to Russia more than $100 million worth of catch
via tax free enclaves. Virtually all the countries of central, east
and southeast Europe (the Balkans) either toyed with the idea, or
established such zones, the first being Russia, Poland and Bulgaria.
Even hidebound and xenophobic Belarus founded in 2000 four Free
Economic Zones (FEZs), located in Brest, Minsk, Gomel-Raton and
Vitebsk, to, in its words, "attract foreign investment, promote high-
tech manufacturing and increase economic diversification". The
zones, claim the authorities, have been a success. The Brest one
drew in excess of $120 million in investments and has created 5000
new jobs.
Multilateral lenders and international trade partners are unhappy.
Exemptions from taxes and customs duties amount to overt export
subventions. The goods thus subsidized often end up in the local
market, unfairly competing with both indigenous producers and
importers.
Responding to such pressures, Kyrgyzstan now requires enterprises
located within the free-economic zone to pay customs and other taxes
on goods they sell domestically. Both the European Union and the
United States expressed extreme displeasure at the formation of
Macedonia's Taiwan-financed free zone in Bunardzik in 1999.
It has since flopped and has been leased last September for 30 years
to Ital Mak Furnir, an improbable German-Italian-Macedonian
partnership. The only occupant of the sole building constructed in
the zone by the Taiwanese is rented to the NATO mission in
Macedonia - hardly a business enterprise.
The free economic zone of the Russian exclave of Kaliningrad, formed
in 1992 and revamped in both 1996 and in 1997, under the new law on
Free Economic Zones, shares a similar fate. Lithuania's industrial
parks are not successful either. The free zone of Kukuljanovo in the
industrial zone of Bakar, about 17 km from the Port of Rijeka Free
Zone in Croatia, actually serves as a trans-shipment and off-shore
area, rather than a classic export processing district. It is one of
13 such fiscal havens.
Tax free, customs and export processing territories - though they
may enhance employment, as they did in China, for one - distort the
economic decisions of investors, manufacturers, importers and
exporters. Budget revenues are adversely affected. The zones attract
shady "industrialists" and "financiers" who set up fronts for
illicit activities, such as smuggling, unauthorized assembly of
consumer goods, or piracy of intellectual piracy.
These extraterritorial hubs are major centers of money laundering,
parallel imports of shoddy or counterfeit goods and forbidden re-
importation of merchandise originally sold to poor, developing
countries at substantial discounts, or provided as international aid.
The Ukrainian Vice-Premier Kozachenko estimated, in May 2002, that
one fifth of all meat sold in Ukraine was smuggled through the
special zones, reported UkInform. Most of it is unfit for human
consumption. The impoverished country lost $56 million in customs
duties on these products in 2001 alone. In the meantime, the local
meat industry is "choking" in the words of Yuri Melnik, Deputy State
Secretary for the Ministry of Agrarian Policy.
Yet, the undermining of local production is not the only impact on
oft-struggling host economies. According to the ILO, throughput from
special zones accounts for 80 percent of all the merchandise exports
of the Czech Republic and Hungary. But very little of this abundance
trickles down:
"Legal restrictions on trade union rights in a few EPZ operating
countries, the lack of enforcement of labour legislation and the
absence of workers' organizations representation were among the
factors noted as undermining the ability of zones to upgrade skills,
improve working conditions and productivity and thereby to become
more dynamic and internationally competitive platforms."
And the contribution of these zones to economic growth and
subsequent prosperity? Dubious, at best. The ILO concludes:
"(There is a) lack of reliable ... statistics regarding the costs
and benefits of zones. While some data exist relating to the amount
of investment, exports and employment in zones, there is very
little ... on the quality, cost and duration of those jobs, on the
degree of skill and technology transfer and on the opportunity cost
of the fiscal incentives and infrastructure costs. (We don't know)
why export processing zones (EPZs) have failed to take off in some
countries. While political stability and investment in the basic
infrastructure in ports, airports, roads, water, sanitation and
power supply are necessary conditions for EPZs, they are not
sufficient on their own to attract FDI. Macroeconomic conditions
such as extreme inflation and high interest rates (are
important) ... Research suggests that zones are most effective when
they form part of an integrated economic strategy that includes
fiscal incentives, investments in infrastructure, technology and
human capital, and the creation of linkages into the local economy.
It is important for EPZs to upgrade their activities to higher value-
added products and services (requiring a more skilled workforce) and
find their niche in the international production network ... (EPZs
strategies must, therefore, be) continually adapt(ed)."
The countries of east Europe and The Balkans lack the skills and
experience to do so - and the money needed to hire international
consultants to monitor and modify the zones' performance and
characteristics. Hence the hitherto abysmal performance of these
contraptions - and the emerging trend to disassemble them.
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AUTHOR BIO (must be included with the article)
Sam Vaknin ( samvak.tripod.com ) is the author of Malignant
Self Love - Narcissism Revisited and After the Rain - How the West
Lost the East. He served as a columnist for Global Politician,
Central Europe Review, PopMatters, Bellaonline, and eBookWeb, a
United Press International (UPI) Senior Business Correspondent, and
the editor of mental health and Central East Europe categories in
The Open Directory and Suite101.
Until recently, he served as the Economic Advisor to the Government
of Macedonia.
Visit Sam's Web site at samvak.tripod.com
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