About this product: Born in San Francisco just before the Summer of Love, Clane Hayward grew up on hippie communes throughout the west. Her poignantly funny, sometimes melancholy, and always riveting memoir recounts her extraordinary life up until her thirteenth birthday. School was a particularly happy event it meant a hot lunch and clothes that matched! But Clane's mother warned her that schools are just zoos run by the government. From a world of complex relationships, uncertain rules and constant surprises, Clane forged a childhood, sometimes with, sometimes without her bong-puffing, Buddha-quoting, macrobiotic mother and her wild-haired, redneck father. The Hypocrisy of Disco is an honest, direct, and truly unforgettable tale, and a tribute to the resilience of youth.
“I don’t own a single share of stock.” —Michael Moore
Members of the liberal left exude an air of moral certitude. They pride themselves on being selflessly committed to the highest ideals and seem particularly confident of the purity of their motives and the evil nature of their opponents. To correct economic and social injustice, liberals support a whole litany of policies and principles: progressive taxes, affirmative action, greater regulation of corporations, raising the inheritance tax, strict environmental regulations, children’s rights, consumer rights, and much, much more.
But do they actually live by these beliefs? Peter Schweizer decided to investigate in depth the private lives of some prominent liberals: politicians like the Clintons, Nancy Pelosi, the Kennedys, and Ralph Nader; commentators like Michael Moore, Al Franken, Noam Chomsky, and Cornel West; entertainers and philanthropists like Barbra Streisand and George Soros. Using everything from real estate transactions, IRS records, court depositions, and their own public statements, he sought to examine whether they really live by the principles they so confidently advocate.
What he found was a long list of glaring contradictions. Michael Moore denounces oil and defense contractors as war profiteers. He also claims to have no stock portfolio, yet he owns shares in Halliburton, Boeing, and Honeywell and does his postproduction film work in Canada to avoid paying union wages in the United States. Noam Chomsky opposes the very concept of private property and calls the Pentagon “the worst institution in human history,” yet he and his wife have made millions of dollars in contract work for the Department of Defense and own two luxurious homes. Barbra Streisand prides herself as an environmental activist, yet she owns shares in a notorious strip-mining company. Hillary Clinton supports the right of thirteen-year-old girls to have abortions without parental consent, yet she forbade thirteen-year-old Chelsea to pierce her ears and enrolled her in a school that would not distribute condoms to minors. Nancy Pelosi received the 2002 Cesar Chavez Award from the United Farm Workers, yet she and her husband own a Napa Valley vineyard that uses nonunion labor.
Schweizer’s conclusion is simple: liberalism in the end forces its adherents to become hypocrites. They adopt one pose in public, but when it comes to what matters most in their own lives—their property, their privacy, and their children—they jettison their liberal principles and embrace conservative ones. Schweizer thus exposes the contradiction at the core of liberalism: if these ideas don’t work for the very individuals who promote them, how can they work for the rest of us?
As the preeminent international development agency for the past sixty years, the World Bank has attracted equal amounts of criticism and praise. Critics are especially quick to decry the World Bank's hypocrisy--the pervasive gaps between the organization's talk, decisions, and actions. In the wake of the Paul Wolfowitz leadership scandal in May 2006, perceptions of hypocrisy have exacted a heavy toll on the Bank's authority and fueled strong demands for wide-scale reform. Yet what exactly does the hypocrisy of the World Bank look like, and what or who causes it? In Hypocrisy Trap, Catherine Weaver explores how the characteristics of change in a complex international organization make hypocrisy difficult to resolve, especially after its exposure becomes a critical threat to the organization's legitimacy and survival.
Using a rich sociological model and several years of field research, Weaver delves into the political and cultural worlds within and outside of the Bank to uncover the tensions that incite and perpetuate organized hypocrisy. She examines the sources and dynamics of hypocrisy in the critical cases of the Bank's governance and anticorruption agenda, and its recent Strategic Compact reorganization. The first book to unravel the puzzle of organized hypocrisy in relation to reform at the World Bank, Hypocrisy Trap ultimately enriches our understanding of culture, behavior, and change in international organizations.
About this product: Presenting facts and viewpoints uncommon in mainstream sources, "Land of Hypocrisy" serves as a comprehensive guide to American foreign and domestic policies.
This book is divided into four sections:
Section 1 – "Military and Media 101" serves as an introduction to military activity and the formulation of public opinions. In addition to clarifying how information is distributed, this section explains basic techniques of the US military and the US strategies in foreign policy.
Section 2 – "Victims Galore" summarizes the major American foreign interventions since World War II (divided into 43 areas), examining in each case the reasons for US intervention, the actions taken, and the results.
Section 3 – "State of the Union" focuses on issues in America. Focal points include crime, the justice system, racism, healthcare, corporate corruption, and the environment.
Section 4 – "What Now?" provides a look at the potential conflicts that may soon arise out of the effects of self-serving corporate and military ventures. Included in this section is a summary of September 11th related information and proposals for a better tomorrow.
In the dark says since the attack on the World Trade Center, the question that many Americans have asked is: Why? Why do ‘they’ hate us as they do? Is it, as our leaders would have us believe, because they hate our freedom?
To understand what others find objectionable in us, we must take a long and brutally honest view of how we act, versus what we like to say about ourselves.
The facts, as this book demonstrates, are incontrovertible: Our history is an unbroken progression of atrocities, betrayals of trust, and abuses of the rule of law, both to our global neighbors as well as our own citizens.
Since the arrival of the first settlers, we have cheated and swindled, committed the most sweeping genocide in history (100,000,000 members of the indigenous populations), attacked civilian populations with nuclear weapons, promoted conflicts at home and abroad, supported brutal right-wing regimes, bullied those weaker than us, and performed gruesome experiments on the most defenseless of our own citizens: poor southern blacks, retarded teens, and pregnant women.
These, sadly, are the facts, and are what others see when we utter our proud slogans about loving peace and promoting democracy.
But who among us is actually responsible for this ignominious state of affairs? As Perni argues, all of these iniquities can be traced to three sources: big business, fundamentalist, right-wing Christians, whom he characterizes as our own domestic Taliban, and a corrupt government that serves the corporations while manipulating the easily swayed voters.
What kind of hypocrite should voters choose as their next leader? The question seems utterly cynical. But, as David Runciman suggests, it is actually much more cynical to pretend that politics can ever be completely sincere. The most dangerous form of political hypocrisy is to claim to have a politics without hypocrisy. Political Hypocrisy is a timely, and timeless, book on the problems of sincerity and truth in politics, and how we can deal with them without slipping into hypocrisy ourselves. Runciman tackles the problems through lessons drawn from some of the great truth-tellers in modern political thought--Hobbes, Mandeville, Jefferson, Bentham, Sidgwick, and Orwell--and applies his ideas to different kinds of hypocritical politicians from Oliver Cromwell to Hillary Clinton.
Runciman argues that we should accept hypocrisy as a fact of politics, but without resigning ourselves to it, let alone cynically embracing it. We should stop trying to eliminate every form of hypocrisy, and we should stop vainly searching for ideally authentic politicians. Instead, we should try to distinguish between harmless and harmful hypocrisies and should worry only about its most damaging varieties.
Written in a lively style, this book will change how we look at political hypocrisy and how we answer some basic questions about politics: What are the limits of truthfulness in politics? And when, where, and how should we expect our politicians to be honest with us, and about what?
About this product: Acts by which people willfully deceive are introduced by al-Ghazzali along with the degrees of hypocrisy, a discussion of hidden hypocrisy, the type of hypocrisy which nullifies good deeds, and teh treatment of a spiritual heart sick with the disease of hypocrisy. He then describes acts of devotion which are permitted to be revealed, the sins which are permitted to be concealed and the permission to in some cases refrain from charitable acts out of fear of hypocrisy. This is Book XXVIII of Part Three of the Alchemy of Happiness entitled The Destroyers.
About this product: What is a hypocrite? What role does hypocrisy play in our lives? Why is it thought to be such an ugly vice? Is it ever acceptable? What do we lose in our indifference to it?
Hypocrisy: Ethical Investigations seeks to illuminate the concept of hypocrisy by exploring its multiple roles in our moral and political lives and struggles. The authors provide a critical examination of a wide range of perspectives on the nature, varieties, and significance of hypocrisy, arguing that it is a key concept in the investigation of the field of morality in general, including its moralizing excesses.
"With verve, gusto, and just the right amount of humility, Jeremy Lott argues that hypocrisy isn't as bad as advertised, and that the critics of hypocrisy are often hypocritical themselves. A perfect read and a necessary corrective for this political season." --Glenn Reynolds, Instapundit.com
"Lott argues convincingly that acts of hypocrisy can be embraced, not dismissed. In this highly-readable book, he makes the counterintuitive suggestion that hypocrisy is a natural element of the human condition." --David Mark, author, Going Dirty: The Art of Negative Campaigning
"The popular usage of the term 'hypocrite' is expansive like a shotgun blast, and is often brought in to describe someone we don't like, doing something that we disagree with, involving some sort of perceived contradiction."
It's an old familiar routine. Dick accuses Jane of rank hypocrisy, while ignoring his own moral inconsistencies. Jane is outraged by the charge, and fires right back. And author Jeremy Lott? Well he's blowing a wet raspberry at the whole ridiculous spectacle.
In Defense of Hypocrisy deconstructs pat prejudices and shallow moralism to probe hypocrisy's real significance, asking:
Why there is so much hypocrisy, and so much hatred of it?
Why do we behave so inconsistently but then denounce those traits in others?
Why are people so often fooled by hypocrites?
What if hypocrisy is more than just a necessary evil? In fact, what if hypocrisy is also an engine of moral progress?
In Defense of Hypocrisy is part political, part religious, part philosophical, and all honesty. Though the word has long since reached epithet status, Lott beckons the reader to see the real virtue-impoverished agendas behind the accusations and embrace a sturdier, more realistic understanding of a much-maligned vice.
The charges have been brought, the jury bought, and the judge clears his throat to hand down the expected judgment:
"Hypocrisy is a most damnable offense. . . "
"Not so fast," says Jeremy Lott. "I object!"
In Defense of Hypocrisy is the case for a mistrial-a thought-provoking, wit-filled, morally-charged, rollicking justification of good people who behave badly. Lott tackles the alleged two-facedness of popular targets from Bill Bennett to Dick Morris to Britney Spears. Far from focusing merely on politics, Lott looks at philosophy, history, theology, and pop culture to give the hypocrites their due.
This gutsy expose of the corrosive uses of hypocrisy accusations will challenge you to open your mind, hang the jury, and decide for yourself:
About this product: This book challenges your beliefs that have been formed by reportedly deceptive press coverage and political action in the twentieth century. Half-truths and selective application of principles are uncovered in areas ranging from the Weapons Culture to the Crisis of Democracy in America. Your attention is captured in the preface during an account of the Reagan era manipulation of facts concerning events in Nicaragua and El Salvador. The reader is afonted with an attack on the beloved Reagan-Bush era and finds undivided attention is required to absorb the assertions made. These assertions shatter patriotic memories of America protecting the freedom of the press and free speech. Bluntly, this book is about doublespeak, the misuse of words by implicit redefinition, displaying how politicians, with assistance from the media, twist and manipulate news events to further their own interests. Politicians and the media thrive on big business contribution, therefore both reportedly exist to serve these market drivers. One exapmle of doublespeak is that allegedly, the American governmant was not actually interested in "containment" or "national security" during the Red Scare or later in the Soviet Threat, but rather in liquidating the New Deal coalition and covering up the upward redistribution of income. "Containment" and "national security" were merely attractive buzzwords redefined to achieve these political goals. The reader who is hoodwinked by the numerous allegations of government mis-use of funds or other deceptive practices presented in this book is no better off for it. If the reader blindly believes the approximate 100 half page incriminations presented in the 112 pages of this book, the reader will have no chance at deciphering fact from fiction when confronted with the actual media. While all these indictments could be in part true, each is worth more than the half-page given it. The Reagan-Bush era is particularly slammed, citing increased military spending and the "safe harbor" provision of the tax code. Concerning military spending, has the author heard of Keynesian economics? I'm no economist but the Keynesian economic model has been all but proven and indicates increased governement spending "jump starts" the economy and staves off recession. The safe harbor provision allowed the selling of unusable tax credits of companies with little or no taxable income to those who could use them. Under a microscope, this affect looks bad, but undoubtedly was not the original intent of the provision, at least not to increase the wealth of the already wealthy big businesses. In order to accurately look at the economic effects of Reaganomics, one must look at the long term and not just a snap shot of the immediate affects of the programs. How is the economy now? Let me make no mistake though and make it clear this book is definately an eye opener and should not be read unless you have the time for heavy-duty reading and digesting. I strongly recomend reading this book, although by the end of it you find your American pie bruised and battered. You also find that by the end you begin utilizing the tool of skepticism this book teaches against itself. There are too many examples of corruption and government/media collaboration to accept in such a short work without using this tool of skepticism. This book should be required undergraduate reading arming graduates with a discerning eye to view the potentially free-market tainted media and government.